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Biden’s ‘Stratagem’ is not the best way to generate power | Mental Issues


US President Joe Biden’s speech to Congress this week confirmed the depth and detail of his plans to change the country. But his quick murmurings of his powerful American counterparts also exposed the instability and inconsistency of his foreign policy.

His leadership has been bold and visible at home shows, but frustrating and vague on his external views.

The absence of a major emergency – at 9/11, in Korea, Vietnam or the Gulf War – and the outbreak of the plague have pushed foreign policy closer to the end of U.S. rule.

This has allowed Biden to speak of him as a “global generator”, but to act as an “observer”. He also joined the international alliance with the abandoned international organizations and his former predecessors and announced the final exit from Afghanistan, but his commitment to democracy and human rights there and elsewhere has been meaningless.

Its foreign trade group has established a foreign policy, cost-effective “foreign to the middle class”, and yet prides itself on seeking American leadership around the world, it seems to be paying off.

It affirmed its humility but claimed to be above the standard of morality, preaching continuously to its fellow world leaders and promising to overthrow China and other world powers.

Not surprisingly, some believe that supervisors have been unexpectedly difficult, while others feel that they are too weak. Biden may have the image and the experience, but he does not have a clear, concise or clear way of communicating.

Or maybe there’s one, but it’s more obvious than the main way. It allows supervisors to speak from both sides with their mouths, saying one thing and doing the other, in a way that confuses their enemies with the waves that are at war with them.

As a result, Biden called Russian President Vladimir Putin a “murderer”, but kept it a secret. He warned her not to resort to “violence”, but later invited her to two international conferences to discuss peace and security around the world.

The president volunteered for the Iran Nuclear Deal, but took part in demonstrations representing countries to bring more out of Tehran and gained greater independence from the skeptical Congress.

Although Biden has declared Trump’s campaign to be “extremist”, he has wisely used his leadership and other sanctions to impose sanctions on Iran, China, and Russia.

Biden also pledged to end all aid in Riyadh’s “war” in Yemen, but has left the door open to do whatever it deems necessary to “protect” Saudi Arabia from future threats.

Ditto recognizing the imperial connection and the “horrific” assassination of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, while still maintaining the principles he replaced.

The most important problem in Biden’s foreign affairs, its principles in China, is obvious, but Beijing is not easily deceived or coaxed. The so-called “organizational adjustment” in China is both untrue and inaccurate.

In short, the current ambiguity may have bought time and space regulators to deal with the chaos and instability he received from Trump’s “stable intellectuals,” who for four years disrupted US foreign policy.

It may be necessary to reconcile America’s shortcomings with its high-level goals. But it cannot be another way to establish a long-term strategy that is crucial to world power.

The president also said “America is back”, “America is moving” and advised not to compete with America, which is supposed to “win”, as well as in “big competition” with China. But he did not show how he wanted to reform America.

Biden can be brave and able to issue warnings and threats, but this will not address the lack of mechanisms that could address external factors during his tenure in office.

President Trump has shown why a powerful force like the US would not replace a major fake route and game for a long time.

Such precautions should undermine the US alliance and integrate allies. Failure to look good can also lead to misunderstandings and unintended consequences.

Unlike Trump, Biden is determined to stand up for American freedom, no matter how many times he is disturbed, calling on his fellow rulers to go to extremes and to criticize the dictators for their wrongdoing.

And this is a good thing. Very good thing. Unless it has proven to be unnecessary, or meaningless, in the Middle East.

After eight years as vice-president, Biden seems unmoved by Obama’s “backward” ideology. In geopolitics, especially when you face the rising China and the boldness of Russia, you are either moving forward or not leading at all.

Moreover, this requires a major approach – which fosters trust between skeptical whites and dissenting Asians; one that guarantees their future protection against torture and intimidation in Russia; one that charges them for any damage that may occur against China in the future.

This does not mean that the US must prepare for another Cold War. Instead it’s different – as I’ve been saying before. It should avoid conflicts and encourage discussion at any cost.

The Biden Climate Summit last week highlighted the importance of the US as a world leader in global security issues such as global warming. But his successor also asserted that America could break the alliance and prevent further progress.

Over the years, America has proven that it can be both useful and evil in the world, depending on its needs and preferences.

Biden needs to show why and how security and development are not in conflict with human rights and fundamental freedoms, and why global politics should not be a trivial matter.


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