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On June 14, just two weeks before the eighth anniversary of the assassination of President Mohamed Morsi, a court in Egypt ruled that 12 executives should be executed. The decision came as no surprise to the civil rights movement. Since the assassination of Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, on July 3, 2013, General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has ruled Egypt with iron fists, trying to combat any form of opposition.
More than 1,000 people were killed in the 2013 riots, tens of thousands were arrested, many were missing and tortured. Since the overthrow of the government, the Geneva-based Committee for Justice has also documented cases of 92 political prisoners killed in Egypt. Death sentences for 64 others, of which the highest court of appeals and endorsed by el-Sisi, can take place at any time.
The validity of the 12 executions is the culmination of one of the most difficult trials in Egyptian history that reported the brutal spread of the Muslim Brotherhood at the Rabaa al-Adaweya site in Cairo following this. Instead of prosecuting the perpetrators of what Human Rights Watch called “one of the world’s worst crimes in a recent history”, Egyptian authorities have blamed the leaders. Many of the survivors of the massacre were thrown into prison in the same way as willful murders and most of them died in prison, including Morsi himself.
Lawmakers had been preparing the people’s minds for months to move against Rabaa’s leaders. In addition to campaigning for a demonstration against the protests, TV shows shown at Ramadan portrayed the protagonists as terrorists, and released the security guards on any murder charge.
Despite repeated human rights abuses, El-Sisi does not appear to be intimidated by what might happen around the world in protest of the assassination. Instead, he now seems to be at the center of his power, at home and in the community.
During Donald Trump’s tenure as US President, El-Sisi was encouraged to continue his brutal policies. When Trump lost the US Presidential election to Joe Biden in November 2020, the Egyptian President demanded that he not criticize anything from the new US administration for allegedly changing its human rights record. In December 2020, the foreign ministry announced that the government was working on a “universal approach to human rights”. Journalists began to speculate on the release of political prisoners.
El-Sisi has taken steps to establish relations with Qatar, which were shattered after joining Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain by suspending the country in 2017.
In May, when Israel began its invasion of Gaza, el-Sisi unexpectedly held the ceremony to become an important mediator for peace and protection of Western interests. He established a standoff between Hamas and Israel, in which he was highly praised in the West.
In the meantime, he continued to gradually withdraw from Abu Dhabi. His relations with Qatar went well, until the assassination plot was upheld while his foreign minister, Sameh Shoukry, was in Doha, speaking to Al Jazeera.
On the other hand, the ruling opposition – Muslims of the Islamic State – has gradually lost political opportunity in the face of government evils in the region and is on its way back.
Domestic oppression has successfully resolved all disputes in Egypt, with the help of judges. Since the assassination of Prosecutor General Hisham Barakat in 2015, the government has been lobbying and instituting criminal proceedings against its opponents.
Egyptian courts have documented the detention of thousands of people over the years, handed down executions, and allowed the government to seize the wealth of successful businessmen. In 2015, it went against national interest in accepting el-Sisi’s idea of moving the two largest islands in the Red Sea to Saudi Arabia.
In the face of little opposition from the West and courage in the home and in the community, El-Sisi was not pressured to halt their campaign to kill protesters.
As a result, it appears that they would not attempt to hand down a death sentence or serve a life sentence.
It is possible for this assassination to take place, as there is no indication that there will be interest from the West or from any other country. Alternatively, El-Sisi may approve of the death penalty but suspend the execution forever to use them if an alliance with foreign opponents, or external pressure on human rights or democratic change occurs.
The international outcry over El-Sisi’s interim campaign to crack down on dissent is in stark contrast to what has happened in The Hague, where Serbian warlord Ratko Mladić, also known as a “butcher” Bosnia “, he confirmed. Mladić and el-Sisi are both assassins, but their career is over, with the other one thriving in the midst of punishment.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the editor of Al Jazeera.
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