The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is trying to get back to “culture” after four years of play under the leadership of former US President Donald Trump.
This will be a difficult task. NATO seems to have lost its mojo after Trump misinterpreted his views and doubts over the talks he shared, albeit rudely.
But the arrival of trans-Atlanticist Joe Biden is life-giving and life-saving in the alliance, as the US President tries to reassure Europeans that they are interested in restoring confidence and restoring the alliance.
This is not the first time that the alliance has returned after internal strife.
Instead, over the past few decades, there have been alarming ideas of some sort of NATO or other crisis: “major crisis”, “increasing crisis”, “major crisis”, “more crisis”, “unprecedented crisis” and even – ” real problems “.
But NATO has been recovering.
Even before the Cold War ended, NATO was divided and divided even in the face of Suez, the Vietnam War, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the existence of authoritarian regimes. However, fear of the Soviet Union during the Cold War helped unite its members despite their differences. The larger the threat, the less likely it is to be united.
When the Eastern Bloc collapsed in 1989, a treaty designed to keep the Soviet Union out, the Germans on the ground and the Americans in Western Europe, lost their chance. Disagreements between NATO continued, moving eastward by the ward and various deployments to the Middle East.
In 2001, 24 hours after the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington, NATO called for Article 5, the cornerstone of its own security, for the first time in its history. But fighting mixed conflicts outside of long-established areas, especially in Afghanistan, proved to be unpopular and cause problems.
Over the past 30 years, NATO has still managed to maintain unity, through a number of cosmetic operations to re-establish its capabilities. It also added an average of its members from 16 to 30 members.
The alliance has repeatedly overcome the internal conflict of change and compromise. It will also do this on June 14 in Brussels, hoping to enhance its image and performance in a highly competitive country. Biden’s popularity in Europe compared to Trump will definitely help.
NATO will also rely on the fact that there is more to unite its members than to divide them.
This, in my opinion, is especially important to protect their economic and social interests. With a population of about one and a half billion people in the world (GDP), NATO has chosen to become a militia member of a special Western democratic club.
Today, the alliance is facing two major challenges, China’s upliftment and repatriation of Russia, leading to cyber-, location, and political threats, in addition to “Global South”, where Beijing and Moscow are growing.
All other issues that have been discussed in public, such as climate change, social security, and development, among others. This is not to say that it is not important – it really is – but because it is a G7 more than NATO weapons.
But since Trump’s mental turmoil, some Europeans say he is more interested in relying on the US in terms of their security, as he was seventy years ago.
NATO youth members are particularly frustrated by the President’s disruptive behavior, while senior members, such as France and Germany, have been cautious and prudent in their actions. He is using the American protest to demand independence from Europe and a common alliance with the US.
They should also look at it lightly, surprisingly lightly on the problems that Russia and China have faced more than Biden’s managers. They prefer to avoid the Cold War claims and emphasize participation in the war against Russia and Beijing.
And he has a point.
Russia, as former President Barack Obama pointed out, today is more than a “regional power” whose actions simply describe weakness rather than power.
It is important to be with Russia through politics and economics instead of separating them in conflict resolution.
And while China’s rise brings a new dimension, it is not the Soviet Union.
Although it has great economic power and prestige, it does not give the world an idea. Since its inception in the World Trade Organization in 2001, Beijing has consolidated its wealth in a Western-led economy and is enjoying a great deal of wind through its trade with the West.
Europeans see China as a rival of the economy or worse, an opponent of it, and content with the world. But Washington looks at China through other mirrors. It recognizes that China is determined to become an Asian hegemon and strives to be strong before becoming a world leader. The United States wants to remain a world power.
This means that Biden’s management will have to persuade and persecute its divided but wealthy European allies in order to retreat.
Instead, other problems are bearing fruit as whites withdraw from China, especially in the areas of technology and finance, and the UK has provided a plane to the South China Sea.
To be honest, NATO will soon try to adopt new monitoring methods in 2010, but one that puts a lot of emphasis on cooperation and cooperation. The whites will demand greater cooperation and force Washington to act in a non-partisan manner as happened under Trump or when Biden’s management decided to leave Afghanistan without any real question until the last minute.
For its part, Washington will continue to say, as it did in previous years, that Europe must pay more for NATO and show its commitment to their full security. It could also bring the powers of Asia, Japan and South Korea, in the picture on the pretext of “defending democracy” in East Asia.
Easier said than done? Probably.
But the biggest challenge is to articulate a new NATO role based on Washington’s insistence on using the alliance to do what is supposed to remain the largest in the world in the United States, sparking a new Cold War with China.
Biden wants to use the NATO summit to form an alliance in the United States ahead of his June 16 meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, recognizing that China is watching closely.
Persistence in expanding the alliance in Ukraine and Georgia or increasing its power, in the future, will prove to anger Moscow and Beijing and push them closer, with a strong impetus for national security.
Biden must be careful about what he wants; it can be fulfilled.
