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Myanmar detainee Aung San Suu Kyi to appear in Naypyidaw court | The story of Aung San Suu Kyi

Five years after becoming de facto leader in Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi is in a coma: arrested at home facing false charges of war crimes, and his party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), on the verge of extinction.

On Monday, four months after the military coup, the prominent politician will be tried in a Naypyidaw court on five counts of possession of illegal walkie-talkies and violating coronavirus laws while campaigning. The military authorities also accused him of fraud and violating the colonial secret law.

There is an idea at the end of the show between Aung San Suu Kyi, and the warlord and opposition leader, Min Aung Hlaing.

At the age of 75, Aung San Suu Kyi is sentenced to life in prison, barring him from participating in political rallies for many years. In the meantime, his allies have changed their approach to violent crime and have gradually changed their attitude toward terrorist attacks and the total destruction of the military.

“At the moment, there is no indication that the government wants to release Aung San Suu Kyi, allow him to communicate with his supporters, or use him as a means of international communication. Instead, Min Aung Hlaing wants to have the right to form a political party so as not to be influenced by them. and the NLD, “said Richard Horsey, a political analyst and activist in Myanmar.

Although he was detained out of the past four months, he is still playing a key role in the ongoing political crisis. Before vigorously defending the terrorists, killing more than 850 civilians, placards and posters with the face of Aung San Suu Kyi are the main focus of most of the demonstrations.

Investigators say former army chief Min Aung Hlaing (right) wants to oust Aung San Suu Kyi and his National League for Democracy (NLD) party politically [File: Myawaddy/AFP]

“I am too busy to write a letter to him. He is undoubtedly the most influential politician in the country, no one comes close, “said Thant Myint-U, a historian and author of Hidden History of Burma.

Defiled image

Aung San Suu Kyi emerged as a political party during the 1988 uprising against the former military government, was strongly encouraged to take part in the democratic process in Myanmar during the crisis. The daughter of solo artist Aung San, had recently returned from the United Kingdom, where she studied at Oxford and married a British father.

He became a member of the Myanmar democratic movement and received the respect of millions for his freedom and security, winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. He spent years in solitary confinement and survived an assassination attempt in 2003 that left many, perhaps hundreds, dead. The teachings of Aung San Suu Kyi and their international awareness also delighted many of his followers.

But while this was strong in the eyes of many, it was an insult to the patriotic army, also known as Tatmadaw, which often despised the “foreign woman”.

In 2008, before approving the elections, the authorities enacted new laws that would allow them to oversee a number of key corporations and give them 25% of the seats in the legislature. It also included a resolution banning anyone with an extramarital affair from serving as president, which many see as a boost to Aung San Suu Kyi.

With the help of a legal lawyer named Ko Ni, he found a way to solve the law, taking over the state’s attorney general after the first NLD victory in 2015. Two years later, Ko Ni was shot.

But when he was a world star as a freedom fighter, once he had a lot of power his big followers were disappointed.

In 2017, thousands of Rohingya Muslim refugees fled to Bangladesh as militants released a brutal violence west of Rakhine.

The Nobel laureate did not criticize the military and the murder trial at The Hague International Court of Justice went to the Netherlands support the actions of government officials.

“Aung San Suu Kyi’s popularity grew as he changed from a rival to a national leader. Globally, he has fallen victim to the brutality of the Rohingya, while regarded as legitimate in refusing to persecute and protect the military,” Horsey said.

Aung San Suu Kyi, a self-taught girl at Aung San Aung San, returned home to care for her mother and became involved in politics that opposed the war. [File: Manny Ceneta/AFP]

Worker and opposition leader Thinzar Shunlei Yi is one of the young human rights activists who grew up and worshiped Aung San Suu Kyi, but was only demoted by his term of office.

“That’s why I became a human rights activist,” he said. But as the Rohingya violence escalated, Thinzar Shunlei Yi became the only person who could deny this, which made him unpopular with his hero and the crowd.

“I spoke openly about her,” she says, “and I felt terrible.

Calling for a major change

It was not during the Rohingya crisis that Aung San Suu Kyi failed to live up to his expectations. “They also seem to be abandoning the principles of human rights while in government in other ways, including the way they support free journalists, political parties and minority rights,” Horsey explained.

When Two Reuters journalists have been arrested for reporting on the killing of Rohingya soldiers, Aung San Suu Kyi said the case “was not in line with the right to freedom of expression”. During his tenure, journalists and Facebook users faced charges for criticizing NLD politicians.

With the leadership of the NLD scattered or imprisoned after the coup, many freedom fighters such as Thinzar Shunlei Yi began to lead the resistance movement. They want a radical change, such as the abolition of the 2008 military law, the complete abolition of the military, the reform of the 1982 Citizenship Act which helped keep the Rohingya out of citizenship, and the military instead of resorting to violence.

These responsibilities were endorsed by the National Unity Government, a co-operative government established by elected representatives against the military regime. Thinzar Shunlei Yi recognizes that Aung San Suu Kyi is still “strong” in the democratic movement, and is concerned that this influence could be twofold.

“Even in the transition where most people are starving and fleeing their lives people still think about him and cry,” he said. This can help to encourage people in the face of adversity and despair.

But Aung San Suu Kyi will probably not join the militants, abolish the law, or accept Rohingya as a citizen. “We doubt that if he ever said anything against modern change, things could go awry,” said Thinzar Shunlei Yi.

People have placards showing elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi at a rally demanding his release and protesting the military’s arrest a week after the spies took power [File: Stringer/Reuters]

While some have suggested that Aung San Suu Kyi assisted the military in the Rohingya crisis due to fears of reprisals or the need to call voters, others say his views only reflected his true beliefs in the matter.

“It is not clear whether his views on Rohingya were politically motivated,” Horsey said. “But it does mean that, at the time of the coup, he had a world record at the time when he needed international help.”

‘Full of hope’

In all, Aung San Suu Kyi is charged with seven counts; five in the city capital of Naypyidaw, one in the Supreme Court and one additional case of fraud.

His lawyers are some of the only people who have been able to reach the arrested leader since his arrest in February. The leader of his legal team, Khin Maung Zaw, told Al Jazeera that he had met with Aung San Suu Kyi and ousted President Win Myint on Monday, June 7. Khin Maung Zaw said the five cases in Naypyidaw were known to be “simple”, with a hearing going on every Monday. Every Tuesday until the end of the month.

In the Supreme Court case, he said the court had appointed Aung San Suu Kyi as a defense, which Khin Maung Zaw said took place “without his knowledge or consent”.

“He also said he told his detectives that he could not defend his case without a lawyer,” he said.

He also said that while Aung San Suu Kyi was not satisfied with the military’s offer of regular medical treatment, he and two other politicians “appeared to be in good health”.

Asked about his spirits, Khin Maung Zaw said: “Unlike me, he has all the hope”.

On Wednesday, the military revealed new cases of corruption against Aung San Suu Kyi for allegedly accepting bribes and renting property at low prices, which has landed him in prison for 15 years.

Khin Maung Zaw said the recent case was “baseless” and “baseless”. “He may have flaws but greed and corruption are not his habits,” he said, calling him “incorruptible.”

Michael Aris, the late Aung San Suu Kyi, stands with their two children Alexander (left) and Kim (right) at the Nobel Prize at Oslo Town Hall on December 10, 1991 [File: Stringer/Reuters]

Based on the nature of the trial, Thinzar Shunlei Yi urged Aung San Suu Kyi to “join the CDM” by “boycott”. The CDM represents the People’s Disobedience Alliance, boycotting many civil servants who refuse to work under the auspices of the military.

“I do not trust the courts and I do not think that [military] we will do justice to him and to other leaders, ”he said.

While the outcome of the case seems inevitable, Thant Myint-U says what happened in Myanmar was not.

“There was no way the military would approve of a change in the law,” said Thant Myint-U. “But the economic vision that has brought billions of new economies and created millions of new jobs, along with solutions to discrimination, building a united state, and working with government agencies, would have overshadowed military might, and perhaps even many police victories.”

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