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Pigs and chickens all open a breakfast restaurant, and their interest is in pork and eggs. What is the difference between a chicken and a pig? The chicken is affected, but the pig is self-sufficient. For a chicken, it is a simple day job to lay a few eggs. But for pigs, it is a lifelong commitment to provide pork.
This well-known commercial story is probably a good reflection of what is going on behind the scenes of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) on “human rights abuses, humanitarian action.” and a violation of international human rights law. A refugee law issued by all war veterans in the Tigray region of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia “.
Like a chicken, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs “participated” in the study. They had a lot to gain – as they seemed to be doing something to bring justice to the victims of the blood feud – but they did not lose a bit. The EHRC, on the other hand, was truly dedicated. Besides, even though the federal agency is “independent” legally, the EHRC is part of the Ethiopian government – its existence depends on federal funding and its commissioners share the vision of the Ethiopian government. In other words, for the EHRC, there is no doubt a lifelong commitment to protecting the Ethiopian government in this investigation.
As a result of this view, many in Ethiopia and abroad – especially those who do not buy Ethiopian government war reports – have opposed the UN’s decision to include the EHRC in its investigation into the Ethiopian war. In response to questions about why it chose to partner with the EHRC in Tigray, OHCHR said it agreed with the plan because it was the only way its investigators could get a chance to travel to Ethiopia and assess the situation on the ground.
This conflict, however, has not diminished the anxiety. People rightly asked what a violent investigation would do if it was carried out with the help of and under conditions set by the alleged perpetrators. Some went on to argue that the EHRC investigation could be a mere figment of the Ethiopian government. Referring to reliable reports of sexual violence, starvation, massive robberies and damage to infrastructure from Tigray, the protesters argued that EHRC investigations could not find convincing evidence from victims for fear of retaliation and therefore could not come close. to establish the truth without naming the wrong names.
Integrated research report published November 3, sadly, proved its opponents right.
The report, inevitably, found evidence of gross atrocities, some of which could be war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, it did not even come close to showing the extent of the devastation that the Tigrayan suffered at the hands of Ethiopian government forces and allies since last November.
The report cited “unjust killings, unjust killings, rampant sexual violence, torture, deportation, unjust imprisonment, economic, cultural, cultural, and denial of human rights”, but failed to establish reality, and the enormous size of these cases.
There was one obvious reason why the report did not report on the details of the alleged Tigray: The Joint Investigation Team (JIT), although the EHRC participated, did not have access to the said territory. concealment and where most of the offenses are thought to have taken place.
Indeed, because of what the report calls “difficulties and hindrances”, JIT has not been able to find many areas of violence. As a result, it failed to consider all reliable reports of violence from areas such as Axum, Abi Addi, Hagere Selam, Togoga, Irob, Adwa, Adigrat, Hawzen, Gijet and Mariam Dengelat.
And even locally, the JITs were privileged, the victims did not want to talk – they do not believe in the discrimination of the investigating team and feared that they could be retaliated by the government if they mentioned the wrongdoings they had committed before them. of EHRC staff.
Indeed, the report also mentions, as one of the challenges JIT faced in gathering evidence, “the EHRC’s biased views in other Tigray areas.” The report goes on to say that “some of the respondents refused to be interviewed by JIT due to the presence of EHRC staff”.
In addition, many of the discussions that UN officials conducted with Tigrayan refugees in Sudanese refugee camps in November-December 2020 were not included in the final UN / EHRC report. The UN has mentioned the discussion in its regional amendments, but has so far not commented on why it decided to exclude the necessary evidence from the UN / EHRC report.
By inspecting all areas of violence, questioning the plight of Tigrayan refugees in Sudanese camps in its final report, the UN violated the principle of investigating the violence and violence surrounding victims.
The main objectives of an independent investigation into these crimes should be to establish the truth of what happened, to give a voice to the victims, to establish conditions for the perpetrators to be prosecuted, and to eliminate punishment.
The UN / EHRC investigation into human rights abuses in Tigray, however, did not achieve these goals. Not only did it fail to give a speech to the many victims of the war, but it also laid the groundwork for the Ethiopian government to delay the trial for the atrocities committed in Tigray by his troops and allies.
Indeed, many passages in the final UN / EHRC report require an end to violence, reconciliation, and the strengthening of power rather than a desire for accountability, guilt, and an end to impunity.
Furthermore, the report appears to be in line with the Ethiopian government’s statement that its “independent” agencies will hold all perpetrators – including the government – responsible for the atrocities committed in Tigray. The report states: “Global approaches are interdependent and do not replace national approaches. “In this case, JIT has been informed that international agencies such as the Federal Attorney General’s office and military security agencies have instituted a mechanism for prosecuting offenders, while other offenders have already been tried and prosecuted.”
Surprisingly, the UN seems to believe that the Ethiopian National Defense Force and the Ethiopian Attorney General can prove his guilt. The Ethiopian National Defense Force is a major force in the war, and a senior lawyer, such as the EHRC, does not have the right to represent the government in response to Ethiopian government officials.
The UN does not have the capacity to conduct independent research, to coordinate violent, complex and multi-ethnic conflicts. It has set up countless independent research committees and international research missions around the world and gives them the task of investigating violence and acknowledging their potential based on their findings. From Burundi, South Sudan and Gaza to Syria, Libya, and Lebanon such investigations provided an opportunity for the victims to present their case, and to ensure that the perpetrators were legally and politically charged. In addition, the comprehensive reports released by this study were like a history of major cases, consistent with time trials, and restrictions on re-evaluation practices.
However, in the Ethiopian conflict, UN efforts to uncover the truth and hold people accountable failed to meet all of its standards. The UN / EHRC report not only failed to confirm the truth of the bloody and ongoing war in Ethiopia, but also caused many victims of the atrocities to abandon any confidence they had in the UN.
But it did not take long for the UN to address its many shortcomings in Ethiopia.
The combined report alone highlights the need for further research and response. Now the UN must begin striving to establish and support an independent, global research system that can critically investigate, listen to all – and not others – victims, keep evidence of future trials and support a true response.
The Tigrayans, and all Ethiopians, should not be diminished.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Al Jazeera.
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