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Do not believe those who say that part of the whole population in Europe is impossible

Jean Renoir’s 1937 film The Great Illusion, First World War II commander Rauffenstein invites his prisoner Boeldieu, a captured and distinguished French soldier, to dine with him. He connects with his discovery that he likes to go to the same place in Paris. The film was very interesting, very interesting, still a well-known commentary on European history.

It also contributes to the old criticism of the European project: that it could not succeed because there was no cohesive idea or purpose between the various European countries. Instead, Europe has always been plagued by relations, politics and people, often stronger than countries.

As Renoir pointed out, members of the same group are more similar on the border than they are in the same groups (who are part of the film crew, too, fond of food and a shared future). At various points in history, European integration has been more or less the same as people felt in institutions from monarchs and churches to communist, football, art and intelligence.

Even today, the European world is clearly visible. “There is a great deal of controversy in European countries,” says Christian Odendahl, an economist at the Center for European Reform, a think tank located in the London-based capital city of Brussels and Berlin. “There are still hurricanes around the world but it makes sense that we are all in this conflict.” The growing interest in foreign politics stems from the notion of interdependence – Odendahl says it originated with the eurozone crisis – and even when it does occur primarily at the elite level, it is “contributed” by them to national dialogue.

“It’s really a European economy,” says Beatrice Weder di Mauro, president of the Center for Economic Policy Research, a group of economists. It helps a group of “people who are willing. . . how to make a European project stronger and bigger and deeper “. VoxEU’s CEPR online platform has become a place for economists to share ideas on European principles.

This wise venture is not just about missing out on a plan. Public support work is underway to establish a European Review of Books (revealed: I provided), a description of New York and London incarnations of the nature of the published culture.

Also it is not always run by high classes that are interested in accepting accredited working institutions. A major exchange of ideas has recently been about what Europeans mean to Europeans with roots in places where they have encountered European colonizers. Authors such as Johnny Pitts and Hans Kundnani are deepening our understanding of the complexities, enticements, and the future of the wealthiest Europeans.

Brexit is the obvious distraction from the picture. Surprisingly, the UK referendum on Europe contributed to the demise of the European population. It encouraged CER to set up offices elsewhere, with CEPR relocating its headquarters from London to Paris, among other things, in exchange for government funding. Perhaps the French government sees the need to mobilize people “who want to figure out how to run Europe”, in the words of Weder di Mauro.

Does this matter? It’s the early days. But the danger is that, as a strong group of Europeans appears to be saying that many in the UK have said it is impossible, Britain’s links are also diminishing. Domestic pressures, as well as the demands of the government around the world, could disrupt European affairs beyond questioning Brexit in Britain’s negotiations. For many, the Channel feels very old.

Against this backdrop, there are efforts to maintain and strengthen relationships. The Europaeum, a group of top European universities set up explicitly to expand their connectivity and encourage European thinking, including Oxford and St Andrews. And English is the dominant language in European conflicts. But even in these great days of long-distance communication, to Discussions take place and those who collect them are still issues.

The Great Illusion to explain something else. Rauffenstein and Boeldieu had many similarities, but nothing prevented them from meeting as enemies in a destructive war. The strong concept of European unity is not a guarantee of the same interests. But without that, we would surely be disappointed. We should be glad that skeptics are wrong to say that it is impossible.

martin.sandbu@ft.com


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