For many years in office, Joe Biden’s foreign policy has focused on growing US and Beijing rivals – so much so that critics criticize the president for allowing China to blind his party to other global issues, such as Afghanistan and Afghanistan. Iran.
Vladimir Putin, however, has stated that he will not be part of a group of people who will not be ignored. Gathering tens of thousands of troops on the border of Ukraine, Russia’s president has pressured the White House to comply with what experts in the region believe are difficult to regulate.
“This has been a major problem in Europe since the end of the Cold War,” said Andrew Lohsen, a colleague at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
For Biden, the conflict with Putin poses a serious threat, which sets out his long-standing stated anti-apartheid policy – a dangerous retaliation, his factional protest, over what he wanted to disrupt – with the aim of avoiding it. war.
This was not the first time that Biden’s foreign policy had promptly defended the former Soviet Union’s young democracies against Putin’s desire to use the military to re-establish the Kremlin in the region, and to force him to violate his democratic principles.
More than a decade ago, as chairman of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, Biden flew to Tbilisi as Russian troops invaded Georgia, swearing “they will not abandon this fledgling democracy”.
A year later, as vice-president, Biden was sent back to Tbilisi by Barack Obama to inform the Georgian government that Washington would not provide weapons of mass destruction – a change that angered then-Georgia President Mikheil Saakashvili.
Proponents of her case have been working to make the actual transcript of this statement available online.
Instead of fighting directly with Putin early in his presidency, for example, Biden did top tips with him in Geneva – a few months later Volodymyr Zelensky, president of western Ukraine, was offered a visit to the Oval Office.
As conditions deteriorate in Ukraine, the White House has expressed interest in addressing Russia’s concerns, though some of them, such as Nato’s rise to the east, are seen in Washington as a permanent fixture.
Michael McFaul, a former US ambassador to Russia who worked with Biden at the Obama White House, said existing governments were “choosing the bad and the bad” on the merger with Russia.
“You’re cursed if you do, and you’re cursed if you don’t,” McFaul said. “If you don’t talk then you know, Putin wants a reason to fight and you don’t want to be the one who gave him this, then I think it’s worth it to do with them.”
For its part, the White House insists that there is a danger to Putin if he adheres to the Ukrainian war effort.
On Thursday, a US official said that the Biden government would impose “severe sanctions” on Russia in the event of an uprising, as well as increase security measures against Kyiv-Nato allies in Central and Eastern Europe.
“We and our allies are ready to do more to destroy Russia’s economy, and to bring about what they say they do not want: more Nato power, not less, and less. [geographically] in Russia, not far away, “said a US official.
However, hopes for US and Russia’s intervention have raised fears in Europe. Biden was forced to confirm Zelensky earlier this month in Washington “unwavering commitment” on the integrity of the territory of Ukraine, and Antony Blinken, secretary of state, has stated that most of Russia’s ambitions “are clearly not yet established”.
U.S. officials were also urged to publicly announce their intention to include European allies in any security talks in Europe.
In the midst of Russia requirements NATO has promised to suspend the former Soviet Union – Ukraine and Georgia were promised to attend the 2008 Nato summit – and that the alliance will seek permission from Moscow to send troops from former Warsaw Pact members, many of whom are now in Nato. .
It also demands that the US swear that it will not establish its foundations in the former Soviet Union or its allies, and that Moscow and Washington will keep bombs, submarines and missiles at bay.
The US is expected to hold talks with Moscow soon early January, but that the process will be wider than the ideas propagated by Russia.
Daniel Fried, who helped lead the US response to Russia-Ukraine issues in the government department under Obama, said Moscow’s views were not “documents of negotiation”, but said it was still important to engage with the Kremlin.
Fried added: “The question, then, is: ‘Is it a decision by the beginning of the war, or was it designed to intimidate us into giving Russia what it needed to fight to win? I do not know the answer. But my question is wrong. ”
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