Zhang Gaoli can be remembered as a reform movement for his contribution to China’s poverty-stricken role and who represented a country that was revived, even in talks with Barack Obama and Vladimir Putin.
But the verdict of rape was handed down by tennis star Peng Shuai has enlisted a 75-year-old man in the #MeToo international competition and focused on the secret network of alliances between the top Chinese Communist parties.
The question Zhang is facing is whether the scandal comes from a human being and will eventually be erased from history by state readers, or if it will be the basis for a long-running revolt against rivals to bring down its strong networks.
Throughout its 100-year history, the CCP has shown that favoritism and loyalty, rather than success or misconduct, ultimately determine whether the elder goes up or down. The wrongdoing of a certain official can cause great frustration for those close to him.
The party’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection also has a long history of cracking down on rampant sex offenders.
Under President Xi Jinping, factional disputes are “much weaker” than in the past, when the CCP’s violent disputes spread publicly, according to a Chinese student, who wanted to remain anonymous.
“But it did not disappear. “People are just scared to talk about it,” he said.
Peng went public this month after he accused Zhang, a 40-year-old man, of raping her at one time in Tianjin, a city he had been part of from 2007 to 2012.
Three-time Olympian appearances through state-of-the-art video and audio from the International Olympic Committee have added to the focus. Winter Olympics in Beijing in February.
Koma Peng Problems could be trapped in the violent dictatorship played on top of the Chinese government.
“If there is a ‘political’ thing going on, then Peng’s affairs are very difficult, and for the government, international cooperation is meaningless,” said Jonathan Sullivan, director of China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham.
“They do not want the global catastrophe to occur in the Olympics it seems difficult, but when it does, the stability of the state is improving everything,” he said.
Zhang’s tenure on the House of Representatives of the Politburo, China’s largest political party, ended in 2017 with his second term as Prime Minister a year later. However, the obvious predictions of Zhang’s future could be in the relationship formed a few decades ago, within a few days of China’s economic development.
Zhang began his career with the state oil company in Guangdong, southern China. Through the 1970s and early 1980s, he advanced from the job as a porter and his secretary to head the company’s organizing department.
In the late 1980s to the 1990s, he led Guangdong’s finance council before serving as deputy governor of the region for 10 and four years as secretary of the Shenzhen party, which is one of China’s leading technology companies.
As he walked through the party ranks, he was “regarded as a supporter of Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong”, according to the history of Cheng Li, a party leadership expert at Brookings Institution.
Jiang was President of China after Deng Xiaoping. Zeng was Jiang vice president and his right hand man. Although they are very strong in their youth, their influence seems to have diminished under Xi.
But Jiang is still a “unifying force” in various factions in the party, said a Chinese student. “There are many different groups that have nothing in common but their opposition to Xi Jinping. That is why Jiang Zemin is so important.”
Zhang was joined by business leaders, including Hong Kong tycoon Li Ka-shing. According to Brookings’ Cheng, Zhang married a fellow student from Xiamen University. Their daughter is married to Lee Yin Yee’s son, a wealthy Hong Kong businessman.
He co-sponsored state and federal partnerships with Evergrande and Fantasia, experts at Cercius Group, a Montreal-based consultant working on Chinese politics. The two are among the most indebted groups in China, all based in Shenzhen, who are now fighting for survival.
Although Zhang is not considered a rival of Xi when he took over the presidency in 2012, his growing ties could be important to his future.
According to Cercius, Zhang “had nothing to do with Xi – he ‘played football’… But that’s it”.
“Zhang is not said to be Xi’s ally in Chinese higher education, or in Taiwanese Chinese literature, or in a review from Hong Kong… Zhang is whitejiang-pai ‘“, the adviser said, referring to an unofficial name given to a high-ranking official loyal to Jiang Zemin.
Victor Shih, an assistant professor at the University of California San Diego, said Zhang had worked for many years with members of the politburo Li Hongzhong and Zhao Kezhi, the minister of public safety.
“Obviously, in this case, Zhao Kezhi’s support would be necessary,” Shih said.
Zhang’s growth means he is also encouraging others, meaning that a large group of rising executives can now be affected by his downfall, experts said.
Shih suggests that the list would include Liu Kun, finance minister; Wang Menghui, Minister of Housing and Urban Development; Niu Yibing, vice president of China’s cyberspace Administration online; and Zheng Yanxiong, head of Hong Kong’s new national security office.
However, experts are unsure whether Zhang’s allegations will be sufficient to bring him down.
“Of course, you have to release the detection kits to show that we ‘protect our own’,” Cercius’ researchers said based on Peng’s earlier comments. “But the truth is, Xi now has the power to punish Zhang if he wants to.”
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