Isabel Diaz Ayuso’s amazing success in the elections in Madrid, where he added to the role of the People’s Party in the war, and a lesson for the middle-class European parties who are struggling to extend their calling.
The firefighter has also bolstered the PP, a party that two years ago won a humiliating election, voting for the Ciudadanos independence party and the far left in Vox.
The working leader of the Madrid region carried out a public campaign that angered the people with coronavirus restrictions imposed by the Socialist-led government.
As opponents of the 42-year-old tried to call him Donald Trump of Spain in cahoots and right, his ability to vote surprised some Europeans.
“She speaks directly in a clear way,” said Tomi Huhtanen, executive director of the Wilfried Martens Center for European Study, senior vice president of the European People’s Party. “Sounds good.”
Diaz AyusoThis week’s election victory was a highlight for Europe’s right-wing parties as well as the Christian Democrat parties, whose problem will be a major issue in the crucial election year.
“Everyone has been talking about the decline of democracy, but I would say that the problems of Christian Democracy are the worst,” said Jan-Werner Müller, a professor of political science at Princeton University. “When you ask what Christian Democracy stands for most people don’t know.”
The German Democrats followed the Greens in the by-elections in September, while the CDU appeared to be uninterested in the leadership of Armin Laschet, who wants to replace Angela Merkel as chancellor.
The party is disbanded if it joins Germany’s right-wing party in the region, forcing growing east of the country to resign. clean cordon as opposed to an alliance.
In France, the central Republicans on the right are chaos after their Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur title they released a list of candidates for President Emmanuel Macron’s party in next month’s elections.
Obviously, it was a real right-handed attempt. But many Republicans are skeptical of Macron, who has moved to the right by law, in a bid to weaken them ahead of next year’s race when his chances of being re-elected lie in a rematch with the far-right leader Marine Le Pen.
Xavier Bertrand, Republican president-elect, described Macron as a “cold-blooded, destructive reader”, in interview last week with Le Figaro newspaper.
In Italy, Forza Italia is a shadow of what it already had, voting at only 7%. He was transformed into a major government party on the right by the Nationalist League.
Matteo Salvini, the leader of the League, recently moved to the area, reducing Euroscepticism and supporting the government of Mario Draghi, a former European Central Bank chief.
This alliance is also at risk of becoming extinct to get out with a party to his right, the Italian Brethren. The future of the Draghi government could depend on Salvini, one of Europe’s first politicians to praise Díaz Ayuso’s victory.
The middle-right crisis, surprisingly, comes as a public opinion in Europe seems to be moving to the right. A learning The well-meaning Fondation Pour L’Innovation Politique found that 39% of voters in France, Germany, Italy and the UK put themselves on the right, compared to 27% on the left and 20% in the middle.
But, with the exception of the well-known British Conservatives, who made it great benefits local elections this week even though they have been in power for ten years, the main parties are struggling to articulate this, unlike their real rivals on the right.
“All political parties are opposed by political activists who are able to promote other issues that are not at stake, such as emigration, European integration, anti-Islam and the liberation of Christianity,” said Catherine de Vries, a professor of political science at Bocconi University. “It’s difficult for the middle-right because these issues often divide their cultural connection.”
The recurring theme will be how major European parties view their history by working with the “opposition parties” on the right, says Fabio Wolkenstein, an assistant professor at Aarhus University. “Only a few countries and a few will work clean cordon [against the far-right] you will see it in Germany, ”he added.
Díaz Ayuso said he was open to control with Vox – although his party ruled it out of alliance – but did very well to run Madrid without a common alliance.
Its title of the “Freedom” competition to earn money and enjoy a well-known nightly life against the demands of an oppressive government, the left was played well by working voters and well-treated PP supporters.
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“This was a hit-and-run decision,” said Camino Mortera-Martinez, of the Center for European Reform, who thinks it would be difficult to start again in Spain, not in Europe. “Díaz Ayuso’s ideology destroyed the parties. It was a crossroads if it never existed.”
José Ignacio Torreblanca, head of Madrid’s office at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said that even on the left he tried to paint Díaz Ayuso as Trump “with a strong Reaganite, capable of uttering banal words and attracting the attention of the tired and troubled people”.
“They know that traditionally there is a deep tension between PP and Vox,” he said, referring to climate change and same-sex marriage as examples.
Torreblanca also said that although he was favored by the more liberal voters, his election came as a result of Ciudadanos’ fall. Spanish independence is now divided into two, not three.
“His success has led to a combination of rights. But he has not eliminated Vox. So the problem is still there,” he said.